In a calibrated but significant change of diplomatic stance, India on Thursday dropped hints about reviving the nearly moribund Russia–India–China (RIC) trilateral dialogue.
The Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) hinted that revived negotiations under this ancient umbrella may now be revisited, indicating a possible rewiring in India's multilateral interactions against the backdrop of evolving international dynamics.
"This is a mechanism wherein three nations get together to discuss regional and global issues. When this session occurs, we will sort out a convenient date for both and inform you," MEA spokesperson Randhir Jaiswal commented in a routine press briefing.
The RIC project, initially developed in the late 1990s by then Russian Prime Minister Yevgeny Primakov, was intended as a counterweight to U.S. and Western hegemony in global affairs. Grounded on the notions of multipolarity, the trilateral bloc united three principal non-Western powers to convene on various strategic, regional, and economic matters.
Year after year, the RIC mechanism has organized over 20 meetings of foreign ministers and sometimes spilled over into sector-specific talks with finance, agriculture, and trade officials. One highlight was in 2007 at the Delhi Security Summit, when foreign ministers from India (Pranab Mukherjee), China (Li Zhaoxing), and Russia (Sergey Lavrov) met to discuss critical issues like reform of the UN Security Council, energy security, and regional stability.
Jaiswal's remarks come after renewed interest from Moscow to restore the trilateral format. In June, Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov had expressed a desire to resume the dialogue, saying, "I would like to confirm our genuine interest in earliest resumption of the work within the format of troika – Russia, India, China – which was established many years ago.
Lavrov also reminded that RIC had in the past transcended diplomatic talks, embracing economic and financial discussions too.
Between 2008 and 2010, the RIC mechanism extended beyond top-level diplomacy and ventured into functional collaboration. Expert meetings took place across various cities including Bengaluru, Moscow, Samara, New Delhi, and locations in China. These sessions covered diverse fields such as disaster management, public health, green technology, agriculture, and innovation.
The goal was to encourage practical cooperation on matters of common interest, even as strategic competition overshadowed relations. The initiative started losing momentum in 2012 and came to a near standstill after 2020 because of increased tensions between India and China.
In spite of the signs of thaw, India is still proceeding with caution in its engagement with Beijing. The government insists that peace must return along the Line of Actual Control (LAC) before normal bilateral ties can be resumed. The 2020 Galwan Valley clash, which was fatal, still hangs over diplomatic interactions.
India has been uniform in its message: although it involves China in wider multilateral platforms like the G20, BRICS, and SCO, substantial bilateral or trilateral discussions including Beijing will be possible only after the situation at the border is settled.
A recent Chinese visit by Indian External Affairs Minister Dr S. Jaishankar—is where he called on both Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi and President Xi Jinping—is being interpreted as a pivotal moment that could potentially lead to a possible reset in India-China relations.
The revived talk on the RIC platform arrives at a moment of enormous geopolitical change. Cut off from the West by the current war in Ukraine, Russia is in turn moving more and more to the east. India, on the other hand, continues to walk the tightrope of its increasing strategic convergence with Western nations even as it holds on to its presence in non-Western platforms like BRICS and the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO). China, struggling with the heightening US challenge, seems to be looking for new avenues to maintain communication with India.
All three countries have common interests, such as opposition to Western sanctions, doubts regarding international trade protectionism, and seeking more Global South representation in international organizations.
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